The secrets of the crisis between the UAE and Hadi government: sources in the Yemeni army reveal the unknown


Events in Yemen are developing rapidly, with unprecedented paper shuffling process, and the situation has become confused after the UAE forces involved in the storm of hope have been subjected to more than one armed attack, which came from groups affiliated with the Muslim Brotherhood in Aden. The Emiratis believe that these operations were motivated by some military leaders of the legitimate government.

The UAE officials with whom we spoke, point fingera at Ankara and Doha in particular, confirming that they have documented information on the involvement of Turkey and Qatar in the organization and management of military operations against the coalition, which is carried out by Muslim Brotherhood and al-Qaeda terrorist groups.

Turkish and Qatari officials have denied any direct military links to Islamist groups. However, a senior Qatari official assured that they are politically supporting the Islah party and that they have no longer against the Houthis group since they emerged from the war in Yemen.

The Qatari official, who declined to be identified, said that their distinctive relationship with the Islah party and the normalization of relations with Houthis, provoked Saudi Arabia and the UAE, adding: “This is their business and their problem and not the problem of Qatar.”

After a long search and investigation, we were able to communicate with a number of field military commanders of the legitimate government, and some leaders of the southern resistance. Through the harmonization of the information we have obtained, we revealed the main points that have raised the suspicion of Saudi Arabia and the UAE towards their Yemeni allies, and the data and circumstances that led the Emiratis to launch the recent raids on areas and sectors under the influence of “the legitimacy goverment”.

The roots of the crisis dated back to 2015, less than a month form the start of Operation Decisive Storm launched by the Saudi-led Arab coalition. The Islah Party, which represents the Muslim Brotherhood in Yemen, presented a plan to confront Houthis through three leading figures in three governorates: Sultan al-Arada in Marib, Nayef al-Bakri in Aden, and Hamoud al-Mikhlafi in Taiz.

The Arab Alliance provided them with support exceeding ten billion riyals, in addition to air cover and large military field support. However, the three leaders and the Islah party failed to achieve any field achievement.

The situation deteriorated to the extent that the Houthis forces occupied most of the sites in Marib and Taiz, Aden was almost toppled but the southern resistance intervened and settled the battle without any participation of the Islah, which took steps against the southern movement, most of them were in the interest of the Houthis rebel forces.

After the southern legitimate forces backed by the Arab coalition liberated the city of Aden from Houthis militias, local groups had begun to spread in the city, intimidating people and clashing with legitimate Yemeni and coalition forces.

Aden almost became a breeding ground for terrorism, but the legitimacy forces once again settled the matter on the ground and tightened their grip on the city completely.

The Islah Party position was clear and it publicly rejected the war waged by the legitimacy and coalition in the south, as most of the groups that were eliminated and expelled out of the city were either directly affiliated with, or linked to the party.

A breakthrough in the coalition leadership has been the isolation of Qatar, which was accompanied by the complete liberation of the south , which has brought the Islah and all the Islamist groups in the Qatari yard into a new phase of dealing with legitimacy and the coalition.

The Isalh party realized that the process was to isolate them from the decision-making positions, through their exit from the field of military influence, and resorted to re-shap their military arm, called the National Army.

The Islah party was able to present the national army as a national Yemeni case, which in cooperation with legitimacy and the coalition could undermine Houthi’s influence and seize the land. “We cooperated as an alliance on the basis of necessity and need, with the Islah party forces,” said a senior coalition leader.

But it was clear that the UAE has been dealing with great suspicion of the National Army because of its Brotherhood background, in addition to the bitter experience with the Islah and its leadership and its military arms that drained many of the capabilities of the coalition, and only provided more victories for Houthi’s, ” said a UAE official in the coalition.

The official explained that, the most prominent station, which was the convening of the Yemeni parliament in the city of Sayun, where the Moslem brothers of Yemen formed a united position in cooperation with the rest of the northern forces a national alliance.

He added: “Our doubts and suspicions in Saudi Arabia have been further confirmed by the revealing of tactic alliance and solidarity between the national army and the Houthis group, the matter was made clear by the handover of the national army of a large number of northern sites on the border with the south to the Houthis on a voluntary basis, according to a deal that took place outside the borders of Yemen.”

The Houthis and Muslim brotherhood groups simultaneously launched an attack on the south through the Dalie front. Legitimacy has formed a border fence in Al-Dali’e, passing by the Mesimir to Abyan, so the Houthis and Moslem brother’s attacks across the southern border has been thwarted.

In addition, a senior military commander in the Yemeni army assured us that the National Army has taken a number of steps that have proven its involvement in an external plan aimed at undermining legitimacy and serving the Houthi rebellion, including:

  • Conclusive evidences of the smuggling of drones and ballistic missiles to the Houthis through the Al-Ghaydha line, Hadramout valley , Marib, Sarwah and Sana’a.
  • The Houthis handed over one camp in Oud and another in Qutba with all their equipment without any resistance.
  • Withdrawal from positions in southern Sanaa in Niham and north of Marib in Sarawah and handed them over to the Houthis, without any battle.

When Hadi issued a decision to move the National Army forces to break the siege of Hajjour, the Islah forces rejected the order and an immediate result of this behavior Hajjour fell into the hands of the Houthis, who committed atrocities against the tribes.

Above all, there was an important incident reported to us by the Yemeni army commander, who pointed out that after the Islamic military leader Abu al-Abbas liberated half of the city of Taiz, the Popular Army launched a large military operation against Abu al-Abbas, which led to his retreat. Ironically, the process ended with the Houthis militia taking control of all the sites from which Abu Abbas withdrew in Taiz.

These data, in addition to some intelligence information obtained by the coalition, led to take a firm position against the Islah group, which managed to penetrate the Hadi government significantly, and also penetrated the ranks of the legitimacy army and a number of its leaders.

Attacks against the UAE forces began in an attempt to split the Alliance and indeed, the Islah party forces have succeeded in dragging the UAE into military reactions into sites formally controlled by legitimacy.

The Yemeni scene has entered a new complexity, the open military and political conflict between the UAE and the legitimate government of Yemen. Hadi’s government did not hesitate to launch violent political and media attacks against the UAE, and it was clear that there was no such attack on Qatar when it left the coalition.

Strangely enough, the Yemeni government’s attack on the UAE is launched form Riyadh, where the Kingdome leadership leadership maintains a calming speech, accompanied by a call to all parties of the conflict in Aden to attend a dialog in the Saudi capital.

There is no doubt that the very uncertain scene leads to the question of the fate of the Saudi-UAE alliance, which stands alone, in a region that is grappling with three major projects being controlled by Israel, Iran and Turkey to share influence in an Arab world, ravaged by conflicts, wars and historical differences.

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