MEA – A thick wall of secrecy was struck around the Marathon negotiations that the Turkish and Egyptian sides have taken since the beginning of the year.
The detailed information we’ve got confirmed that the first meeting took place in Cairo with a high-ranking figure sent by the head of Turkish intelligence, Haqan Fidan, in early 2020.
A tripartite meeting followed this in Rome on 19 August. Haqan Fidan gathered with the Director of Egyptian Intelligence, Major General Abbas Kamel, under the patronage and presence of the Director of the Italian Information and External Security Service, the meeting resulted in an integrated agreement between the Egyptian and Turkish sides. After the meeting, they handed the Egyptian authorities over a recording of communication that took place between the Turkish security and the acting guide of the Muslim Brotherhood in Egypt, Mahmoud Ezzat.
The agreement included:
Securing the water borders in the Mediterranean in exchange for a consensual solution in Libya, including a ceasefire, demarcation of internal demarcation lines, and to work on a mechanism to launch a political solution.
The gradual deportation of followers of the Turkish religious leader Fethullah Gülen from Cairo to Western capitals.
Negotiate a solution to political matters and the pending security files, through a committee that will include security personnel and representatives of the foreign ministries of the two countries.
It is noteworthy that this deal is not the first to be concluded between Ankara and Cairo. Under Erdogan, the Turkish authorities handed over several leaders of the Egyptian Muslim Brotherhood to the Egyptian security services, the most prominent of which was the young Brotherhood leader Muhammad Abdul Hafeez, who was handed over in February 2019, At that time this was a shock in the circles of the Egyptian Brotherhood, and as a result, many leaders of the second row left Istanbul, where the largest number of them took refuge in London, while others were distributed between Washington and various European countries.
However, the last agreement that took place was surprising and came without introductions, leaving big questions pending, awaiting answers, and quick solutions.
Who will succeed in the polar wing in the Department of International Organization?
Is it true that the Muslim Brothers hood cell in London (Ibrahim Munir and his group, specifically Mahmoud Hussein and Muhammad Al-Buhairi) will take over the Brotherhood’s media institutions and their financial resources? Then what are the outcomes of the conflict between the two poles and the “General Office of the Muslim Brotherhood, on one hand,” and between each of them and the Revolutionary Council, on the other hand?
Will the young generation of the Perfectionism front, and some of Sheikh Yusuf Al-Qaradawi’s approach, such as Sheikh Issam Talimah, be able to hold on to the joints of the organization? Will Yassin Oktay allow that?
Finally, the most prominent question that every member of the Egyptian Brotherhood raises today remains, which is how will Ibrahim Al-Zayat use the Brotherhood’s money to support each group of the “enemy brothers”?
Many questions arise in the banned community and a few answers that hardly soothes the hearts of the leaders and members of the group, those who were left by the Turkish negotiator on the sidewalk of anxiety, waiting to be handed over to the Egyptian intelligence, or deported to an unknown fate.